Gonaives, February 14-20:
The entrance to the city is blocked by a shipping container. We
leave our cars and climb onto mopeds, then wind through dozens of
barricades into the rebel-held city. The rebels --a motley crew
of young men in goodwill box t-shirts armed with an assortment of
weapons --are easy to find and happy to see us. Several speak
excellent English, having been deported from the US on a variety of
charges. Their leader is the rum-swilling Butteur Metayer.
Butteur's gang believes the government killed his brother,
Amiot, a convicted arsonist and Aristide henchman who got out of
control. Their rebellion sparked the revolution.
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Michael Kamber/Polaris for the New York Times |
After a few hours of conversation with locals, it quickly becomes
clear that this "revolution" is in fact a dispute between
hired thugs and drug gangs. Yet it has taken on a life of its
own and could lead to Aristide's overthrow. A dozen other journalists
and I set up camp at the Hotel Chachou and wait for the government
police to come reclaim the town from the rebels. The ensuing
battle is what we're here for.
Having appropriated much of the Project Care food for their personal
use, the rebels have little bread to offer the people. Instead they
offer a circus. Each afternoon we follow the rebels as they
parade through the streets, drinking Barbancourt and Prestige,
singing songs, brandishing their guns: an AK with that graceful
banana clip, squared off M-14's, an awkward, blunt UZI, ugly garish
silver .38's. They fondle them, work the slides, handle
the extra clips and you can see what they really want to do is fire
them. The townspeople fall in enthusiastically, singing and dancing.
One man brings a speargun and a motorcycle helmet.
A routine develops. In the afternoon we shoot the
demonstrations, in the morning, the funerals. Scores are
settled, suspected Aristide supporters tracked down, innocent
civilians killed in the increasingly lawless town. The morning
streets resound with wailing widows and brass bands playing funeral
dirges. A mother of two, seven months pregnant, stands alone
outside the funeral home where her husband lies in a coffin.
She screams into the morning air, hysterical with grief.
Ashamed, I move in to capture the emotion, telling myself that I'm
trying to do justice to her husband. At the hospital,
there is little medicine and many doctors have fled. Out back, the
morgue is overflowing. Dead infants lie stacked in a pile on a
shelf.
Later in the week, Guy Phillipe, a former police commander and coup
plotter, and Louis-Jodel Chamblain, a former death-squad leader,
arrive from exile in the Dominican Republic with a few dozen troops
to take charge of the revolution.
Port au Prince, Feb 22-March 3:
The media horde has arrived: TV crews, reporters from all over the
world, 30 or so photojournalists --the Americans, young and brash;
the French, mature, chainsmoking sophisticates; a large contingent of
Latinos from all over the region, generous and outgoing. Even
the artists are here, Antonin and Luc ...but there are too many of
us.
Some days it's impossible to make a frame without several other
shooters in the background. Rodrigo, a young AP photographer,
puts a picture on the wire which captures the situation: a dozen of
us intently photographing a single policeman kneeling by a car.
I am introduced to the wire shooter, the one who took the picture of
the stream of refugees fleeing the fighting -- a photo that ran on
front pages all over the world and sparked much of the media's
arrival. And there's some dispute; a friend was there shooting
alongside the wire shooter. She says it was mostly people going to
market -- maybe some refugees mixed in, but not the exodus the caption
says. Shades of Liberia: a kid blasting away in the heat
of battle with a teddy bear backpack, front page all over the
world. Except there was no battle that day and he's not a
kid -- the fighters had just looted a warehouse full of children's
backpacks, and he was playing to the photographer. What remains
is the image, the impression of the situation. And the
knowledge that we have to be very careful with our captions.
Now the rebels are picking up steam, there's no talk of the
government retaking Gonaives. Instead, people start to
speculate on when the rebels will arrive in Port au Prince. The
streets become increasingly tense. Aristide's supporters, the
Chimeres, young, angry men from slums like City Soleil and La Saline,
are filling the streets with burning barricades, waving guns at us as
we pass through. It becomes dangerous to move around.
I head out one morning with a female photojournalist to check on
conditions on the outskirts. At a barricade made of crushed
cars, stones and scrap metal, a group of young men, some wearing
masks, shout and brandish guns. A policeman in a truck in front
of us confers with the Chimeres, waves us through, then roars off.
We drive around the barricade but the militia blocks our path.
In a moment, the young men have surrounded us, screaming, faces
contorted in rage. They order us out of the car, hold shotguns
to our heads, search the vehicle. They find our bulletproof
vests in the back of the car, and the hysteria rises to a fevered
pitch. Now they have proof we are helping the rebels, they
scream in our faces, spit flying from their mouths. They fire shots
in the air, then point the guns back at us. They will kill us,
we are rebels, we are rebel sympathizers they say. The other
photojournalist steps between them and her driver, who they seem most
intent on killing, shows them ID, tries to reason with them.
After several long minutes they lower their guns and shout at us to
be gone.
The chaos grows by the day, bodies litter the roadside in the
morning, hands bound, shots to the back of the head. The faces
are frequently battered, their pants unbuttoned or pulled down
-- their last moments ones of unimaginable horror.
Early on the morning of the 27th, we hear the port is being looted.
We race through the streets and arrive to see thousands of
impoverished Haitians rushing through the gates with goods of all
types stacked on their heads. Some of the men are armed;
they simply wait at the gates and rob those exiting of their
short-lived prizes. They shout and point the guns at us, waving
us back. We retreat, then inch slowly closer, trying to shoot
frames when they're distracted. The body of a man killed an
hour earlier lies in the gutter, people walk around him, over him,
intent on their bonanza.
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Michael Kamber/Polaris for the New York Times |
Two days later the phone rings at 5:30 am. Aristide is at the
airport. We rush to the cars and fly through the empty
streets. The airport is eerily deserted. We scale a
chainlink fence and climb to the roof. A caravan of SUVs is driving
off the runway; we've missed his departure by just minutes. I
drive to the central plaza with several others; about 6:30 Radio
Metropole announces the news. There is a stunned silence, then
the sound of gunfire and angry voices. A woman runs through the
streets crying, young men descend on a gas station, hurling rocks
through the window, then step through the shattered glass to take
what they can. Stores, another gas station, a Western Union
office are burned, the streets are filled with smoke and running
figures and gunfire.
We try to work in the shadows and shoot what we can with long
lenses. We get calls from the others: they fired at Les's car,
also at Gary's. Laurence, a Haitian fixer working with a TV crew has
glass in her hair from a bullet that shattered the car window inches
over her head. The Asians have the best luck --Taiwan and Japan
are the largest givers of international aid to the country --and are
left alone to document the chaos.
The next morning we drive out towards St. Marc to meet the incoming
rebels. We pass over a small rise and their caravan is suddenly
in front of us, lead by a police truck with flashing lights.
There are about twenty vehicles in the convoy, nearly half are
press. We work our way through the streets and are met by
cheering crowds. The Aristide supporters who had vowed to fight
to the death are nowhere to be seen and the rebels drive to the
central plaza unopposed. Less than a hundred soldiers with
primitive rifles, in a collection of battered overheating SUVs, have
effectively overthrown Haiti's government.
The day Aristide left Haiti, I stood over a man's body on Avenue John
Brown in Port au Prince. He'd been dead an hour or so, his
blood running in rivulets down into the gutter. Depending on
who you talked to, he was a looter or a civilian caught in the
crossfire. On my right, another photographer, Les Stone, worked
intently, composing and shooting. Something about the
scene felt familiar. It took me a moment, then I realized Les
and I had been here before, right here, on this very street
photographing bullet-riddled civilians. The year was 1987.
We were young then, seeing for the first time the violence men do to
one another. Seventeen years later, little has changed in
Haiti.
Michael Kamber is covering the Haiti conflict for the New York Times. He is a member of Polaris Images.